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This research paper discusses pornography and its importance in a variety of areas. First, a definition of pornography is discussed, followed by an examination of obscenity; the legal guidelines intended to differentiate between legally restricted, obscene materials; and pornographic materials that are protected under the First Amendment’s protection of free speech. Conflicting feminist perspectives are also discussed. These perspectives largely focus on the question: Is pornography inherently harmful to women, or can it have a positive, potentially empowering influence on women, as well as other pornography viewers? Finally, the role of violence in pornographic material is discussed in depth followed by a brief note on Internet pornography.
Introduction
The production and sale of pornography is a highly lucrative industry in American society today (Eberstadt 2009). Due to modern technology, especially the Internet, pornographic material is available to a wide variety of individuals (Eberstadt 2009). In fact, pornography is the “single most searched-for item on the Internet,” making it a pervasive part of American society (Eberstadt 2009, p. 4). The following sections discuss the features that differentiate pornographic materials from obscene materials, anti-pornography feminist perspectives, propornography feminist perspectives, the relationship between violence and pornography, and the influence of the Internet on the development and dissemination of pornography.
What Is Pornography?
Pornography can be defined, at the most basic level, as explicit sexual material (Lindgren 1993). This definition, however, is overly broad. Such a simple definition would encompass a range of materials from classic Roman art to hard-core pornographic rape films. As such, this type of definition of pornography leaves many questions unanswered: Can a nude or sexual image be artistic, not pornographic? If so, under what circumstances does this occur? Is all pornography legal? When do the images presented in pornography or other obscene materials reach a level that is unacceptable to community standards?
In reality, pornography is a vague concept and one that is difficult to define. There is no consistent definition of pornography in existing empirical literature. Likewise, there is no universally accepted legal definition of pornography in the criminal justice system of the United States. Indeed, much pornographic material is not subject to regulation by criminal justice officials. Instead, much of the relevant literature and legal precedent related to the topic focuses on defining and regulating obscenity, not pornography.
Obscenity
While obscenity is a crucial concept in the discussion of pornography, pornography and obscenity are not synonymous (Lindgren 1993), as not all pornography is obscene. Thus, while obscene materials can be legally regulated, pornography, in general, is not considered illegal (Hoffman 1985). This is, in part, because the First Amendment guarantees the right to freedom of speech. The First Amendment guarantees not only the right to literally say things freely but it also guarantees the right to express one’s self in a variety of ways. Although verbal speech, the printed word, art, and other forms of expression are protected by the First Amendment, there are limits to the types of expressions that may be afforded First Amendment protection. Specifically relevant to the discussion of obscenity and pornography is the United States Supreme Court’s ruling in Roth v. United States (1957). In Roth v. United States, the Court ruled that obscene materials are a form of “unprotected speech.” In other words, anything (e.g., literature, photographs, videos) that can be considered obscene is not protected under the First Amendment and is subject to legal regulation (Hoffman 1985). While the Court’s ruling in Roth effectively outlawed obscene materials, a significant question was left unanswered: What materials can be considered obscene?
For more than a decade, the Supreme Court left this question unanswered. Finally, in Miller v. California (1973), the Court established specific standards that would be used to differentiate obscene material from constitutionally protected material. Three basic criteria are used to determine whether specific materials are obscene. The Court determined that a work could be considered obscene if:
(a) … ‘the average person, applying contemporary community standards’ would find that the work, taken as a whole, appeals to the prurient interest,… (b) … the work depicts or describes, in a patently offensive way, sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state law, and (c) … the work, taken as a whole, lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value (Miller v. California 1973).
Under these guidelines, many forms of pornography are not considered obscene and are, thus, perfectly legal (Hoffman 1985). With regard to pornography, most “soft-core” less explicit materials (i.e., those that do not depict graphic sexual acts) are easily identifiable as constitutionally protected materials. On the other hand, extremely explicit “hard-core” pornography can be classified as legally obscene and subject to regulation (Hoffman 1985).
Even with the Court’s three guidelines, however, it is difficult to definitively, and consistently, classify pornographic materials as being either obscene or legally acceptable. One of the biggest reasons for this difficulty is because the three guidelines provided in Miller v. California (1973) are inherently subjective. For example, with regard to the first criterion, contemporary community standards may vary from one place to another. Thus, what legally protected pornographic material in one state may be deemed obscene and, therefore, subject to regulation in another. Furthermore, images that may have artistic value to some may depict acts that offend state law in other areas. In sum, pornography is not a simple concept with an all-encompassing definition. While obscene pornography is not subject to the protections of the First Amendment, there is a very fine line between pornographic materials that are obscene and those that are constitutionally protected.
Controversies In The Literature: Varying Feminist Perspectives On Pornography
Even beyond disagreements concerning the definition and identification of pornography versus obscenity, other controversies focus on the intrinsic value of pornography. Debate among feminist scholars concerning the potential harms (or benefits) created by pornography began to gain momentum in the 1970s and 1980s (Hoffman 1985). Many feminist scholars argued that pornography was inherently harmful to women because it encouraged the objectification and abuse of women and girls (Eaton 2007; MacKinnon 1989). Other feminist scholars argued that pornography is not always harmful to women. These researchers noted that pornographic materials can, at times, be positive and empowering (see, e.g., Rubin 1993). Despite decades of extensive discussion and empirical study into these issues, the debate surrounding the potential harms and benefits of pornographic materials has not been resolved (Eaton 2007). The following sections address several common arguments presented by scholars on either side of the ongoing debate.
Anti-Pornography Perspectives
As mentioned above, some feminist scholars argue that pornography in inherently degrading and harmful to women (see, e.g., Eaton 2007; MacKinnon 1989). These scholars have come to be identified as “antiporn feminists” (Eaton 2007). Antiporn feminists offer a variety of criticisms of pornography. One argument is that pornography is not focused on healthy sexual expression. Rather, it is a tool used to assert dominance and power (Hoffman 1985). More specifically, these feminists posit that pornography is used to assert males’ dominance and power over women (Hoffman 1985). MacKinnon (1989), for example, notes that pornography is a tool used to socially construct sexuality. She notes that pornography is primarily created for men and, as a result, illustrates the male ideal of sexuality (MacKinnon 1989). For example, she notes that pornography often depicts women as subordinate, less than human, and as creatures that exist to serve men and their sexual desires. In most cases, depictions of women in pornographic materials show them being violated and victimized, while men are shown as dominant and powerful (MacKinnon 1989). MacKinnon and other antiporn feminists seem to agree that
pornography endorses [gender inequity] by representing women enjoying, benefiting from, and deserving acts that are objectifying, degrading, or even physically injurious and rendering these things libidinally appealing on a visceral level. And, as any advertiser will tell you, making something sexy is among the most effective means of endorsement (Eaton 2007, p. 682).
In sum, the perspective of antiporn feminists holds that pornography reinforces existing patriarchal societal values; pornography depicts male dominance as accepted and even desired by both women and men (Hoffman 1985; MacKinnon 1989). In this way, pornography is harmful to women because the patriarchal values depicted therein perpetuate assumptions that women are somehow less than men. Because women in pornography are often portrayed as enjoying themselves, pornography sends a message that women like to be used and objectified and that they welcome male power and control (Hoffman 1985). Furthermore, this perspective posits that pornography supports assumptions that women are supposed to be victimized and that female subordination is depicted as natural, normal, and even pleasurable (MacKinnon 1989). Such depictions undermine efforts to obtain equal power and equal rights for women and men.
Since their development in the 1980s, anti-pornography feminist perspectives have continued to evolve into the present day. For example, Eaton (2007) attempted to summarize and revise past antiporn feminist arguments into a “reasonable,” modern, antiporn perspective. Eaton (2007) acknowledged that some pornography may not be harmful in the way earlier scholars believed, such as being inherently violent or explicitly abusive toward women. Rather, Eaton (2007) focuses her attention on what she calls “inegalitarian pornography.” Inegalitarian pornography can be defined as “sexually explicit representations that, as a whole, eroticize relations (acts, scenarios, or postures) characterized by gender inequity (676).” Eaton (2007) argues, therefore, that while the effects of this type of pornography are different from those put forth by early antiporn feminist scholars, they are still damaging to women, though in more subtle ways. To elaborate, inegalitarian pornography may still reinforce inequitable gender stereotypes and promote the power and dominance of men over women (Eaton 2007). Eaton (2007) acknowledges that there are other factors that contribute to societal level gender inequality, but she maintains that inegalitarian pornography makes an important contribution. She points out that inegalitarian pornography may play a part in a dangerous “feedback loop.” Indeed, the images, attitudes, and actions depicted in inegalitarian pornographic materials may be rooted in existing gender inequality, but such pornography also promotes and contributes to the continuance of gender disparities (Eaton 2007).
Pro-Pornography Perspectives
In contrast to the antiporn feminists, another body of feminist scholars argues that pornography, in and of itself, is not problematic. For example, while Rubin (1993) acknowledges that antipornography feminists identify important concerns about sexist attitudes and behaviors toward women, she argues that pornography is a “scapegoat.” In other words, Rubin (1993) posits that pornography is identified among antiporn feminists as causing problems it does not ultimately create. Specifically, she contests the perspective of anti-pornography feminist scholars who argue most pornography is violent. There are a majority of pornographic materials that, while sexually explicit, do not depict any acts of violence (Rubin 1993). To elaborate, the vast majority of pornography depicts common sexual activities more often than any form of “kinky” or violent sexual acts (Rubin 1993). Indeed, only specialized subgenres of pornography (e.g., sadomasochistic materials) depict violent acts. Furthermore, it is important to note that these subgenres make up a clear minority of all pornographic material (Rubin 1993). Rubin (1993) further notes that even in graphically violent pornographic materials, such as in depictions of sadomasochism, one should not assume that the individuals are victimized:
Since SM often involves an appearance of coercion, it is especially easy to presume that the people doing it are victims. However … this is a false stereotype and does not reflect social and sexual reality. Sadomasochism is part of the erotic repertoire, and many people are not only willing but eager participants in SM activity (Rubin 1993, p. 248).
Rubin (1993) argues that pornography is no more violent than any other form of mass media and that individuals are much more likely to see the promotion of patriarchal values and violence against women (including rape and other sexual assaults) in mainstream television and movies than in pornographic material. Rubin (1993) concludes that it is the anti-pornography activists, themselves, who perpetuate harmful stereotypes. The assumption that pornography is inherently wrong breeds contempt for sex workers and reinforces assumptions that sex work is not legitimate or acceptable (Rubin 1993). Therefore, Rubin (1993) argues that feminist scholars should work to legitimize sex work and empower sex workers.
Other feminist scholars make arguments similar to Rubin’s (1993) regarding the positive effects and female empowerment that pornography can provide, when utilized properly. For example, Sherman (1995) argues that pornography, as a whole, cannot automatically be dismissed as degrading and/or obscene. He argues that some types of pornography can have a positive and empowering influence for minority groups. Specifically, Sherman (1995) argues that homophobia is rampant in our society. He believes that both young gay men, as well as the society at large, are led to believe that homosexual encounters are dirty, debasing, and undesirable (Sherman 1995). His study of pornography created for gay male audiences, however, revealed that pornography can be a significant source of information about sex for gay males. Indeed, rather than reinforcing the homophobic notions prevalent in society, gay pornography seemed to demonstrate that sexual interactions between two gay men can be positive, healthy, and expressive (Sherman 1995). Thus, in a society steeped in homophobic values and images, pornography may offer the only positive depictions of gay sexual activity that a young gay male may have to rely on (Sherman 1995). Such positive imagery allows gay youth to learn about and accept their sexuality in a healthy, safe way (Sherman 1995). By lumping all pornography together and arguing that any form of pornography is harmful and degrading, anti-pornography feminists unwittingly affirm homophobic messages (Sherman 1995). In conclusion, Sherman (1995) argues that it is important that scholars not assume that all pornography is necessarily harmful. Instead, he argues that they must remain open to the possibility that pornography can be positive and empowering.
Pornography And Violence
Central to the arguments of both antiporn feminists and pro-porn feminists is the concept of harm. It is clear that there is a considerable debate regarding whether pornography is damaging to women. The most blatant form of harm that pornography may produce is actual physical and/or sexual violence against women. A number of scholars have examined whether pornography contributes to violence against women.
Pornography Has A “Cathartic” Effect
Although one of the most controversial debates over the last few decades has been the relationship between pornography and violence, the research findings regarding the link between pornography and aggression are conflicting, at best. Some scholars have posited that merely viewing pornography does not influence the attitudes that male and female research participants have about the acceptability of violence against women. One of the main arguments put forth by those who have found that pornography does not increase negative attitudes or behavior toward women is that pornography has a “cathartic effect” on viewers (see, e.g., Ben-Veniste 1971). The argument made by these scholars is that because pornography provides individuals with an outlet for sexual release, they are less likely to engage in acts of coercion or sexual violence in order to achieve sexual gratification (Ben-Veniste 1971). Thus, according to this perspective, an individual’s exposure to pornography does not increase his or her likelihood to engage in acts of violence or overt aggression; rather, it decreases the probability of such behavior (see, e.g., Kutchinsky 1971). Empirical support for this contention has been found in a number of studies.
Two of the most important works relating to the “cathartic effect” of pornography, however, were conducted by Ben-Veniste (1971) and Kutchinsky (1971). The results from these analyses indicated that there was an overall decrease in the amount of sex crimes in Denmark after the government repealed laws that restricted the sale of pornography. Future studies, however, revealed that crime rates in Denmark only dropped for offenses such as voyeurism and exhibitionism, while rape and other sexual crime rates remained constant.
Pornography Enhances Negative Attitudes Toward Women
Because of these inconsistent findings, it is important to consider the equal number of researchers who have reported that exposure to pornography does make male viewers more likely to have negative attitudes toward women. These scholars are more likely to adhere to a social learning perspective, which posits that exposure to pornographic materials influences individual attitudes regarding appropriate sexual behavior as well as stereotypical male and female traits (Bergen and Bogle 2000). For example, it is no secret that women are frequently objectified in pornography. The images presented in pornographic materials focus explicitly on the woman’s sexual organs and leave viewers with the impression that she is no more than an object to be used in order for the male to obtain sexual gratification. After repeated exposure to pornography, viewers may come to believe that women are merely sexual objects and, consequently, begin to treat them as such (Bergen and Bogle 2000; Flood and Pease 2009). Therefore, the overall “findings of this research support the idea that there is a relationship between pornography and violent against women” (Bergen and Bogle 2000, p. 232).
Pornography Increases Beliefs In Rape Myths
One of the most significant influences that pornography has is on attitudes is one’s willingness to accept “rape myths” (e.g., women instigate or deserve their rape experiences because of the way they acted or the manner in which they were dressed, most women have a subconscious desire to be raped or engage in violent sexual activities) (see, e.g., Flood and Pease 2009; Russell 1988). Scholars have noted that men who watch pornography, especially if it features some element of sexual violence, are much more likely to believe rape myths than those who do not use pornographic materials. Mock trial studies have also presented interesting information regarding the treatment of women by those who view pornography (see, e.g., Russell 1988). These experiments generally expose one group of participants to sexually explicit films and one group to neutral films (such as psychology or nature videos), then present them with testimony or transcripts from actual rape cases. These studies consistently show that those individuals who were exposed to pornography rated the female victim as less believable, more responsible for her actions, and more worthless as a human being than did the individuals in the control group (Russell 1988). Furthermore, male acceptance of violence against women was shown to increase significantly when the woman was portrayed as unwilling to participate in the sex act, but was subsequently shown to be enjoying the experience (Weisz and Earls 1995).
Attitudes Are Linked To Aggression: Pornography Develops Aggressive Attitudes
It is important to consider the attitudinal changes that develop because of one’s exposure to pornography because one’s attitudes are linked to his or her future actions. For example, a number of experimental studies have shown that exposure to pornography increases aggression, and attitudes that are favorable to aggression, in males (see, e.g., Flood and Pease 2009). Over time, or after prolonged exposure to the messages presented in pornographic materials, individuals will eventually attempt to recreate the sexual acts they have seen. This is problematic when the acts they attempt to reenact include violence and/or the submission of an unwilling partner. Over the past few decades, research findings indicate that a significant number of males have reported that they either wanted, or had tried, to imitate acts that they saw portrayed in pornographic materials (for further discussion, see Russell 1988). Other studies have consistently revealed that between one-third and one-half of male research subjects admit that they would attempt to rape a female if they knew there was no chance of getting caught (Bergen and Bogle 2000). These findings are especially concerning because these attitudes are considerably enhanced in males exposed to sexually violent pornography (Flood and Pease 2009).
Pornography With Sexual Violence Is Particularly Damaging To Attitudes
Researchers studying sexual violence in pornography research have generally defined it as the overt use of physical force or psychological coercion to obtain sexual gratification; any nonconsensual sexual contact; the degradation, dehumanization, or objectification of one or more participants; and/or any form of copulation that is accompanied by acts of physical aggression or violence, such as whipping, punching, and/or bondage (Monk-Turner & Prucell 1999). Although scholars disagree about the prevalence of violence in pornography, they have consistently found that rape is the most common form of sexual violence depicted in these materials and that violent pornography creates more negative attitudes of, and behavior toward, women than nonviolent pornography. This is especially true among men who are high-frequency users of pornography. Studies have revealed that after viewing violent pornography, men who were not previously aroused by such images subsequently began fantasizing about, and becoming sexually aroused by, rape (see, e.g., Malamuth 1981).
With all of these studies, however, it is important to note that the most significant factor in pornography that shapes viewers’ attitudes and beliefs is not the erotic nature of the content but the dehumanization and the degradation of women (Gray 1982; Russell 1988; Weisz and Earls 1995). In other words, when films contain acts of sexual violence, viewers’ negative attitudes toward women are shaped more by the interpersonal violence that occurs in these films, rather than the erotic subject matter. A number of researchers have studied this phenomenon by exposing groups of viewers to films with neutral content, violent content, sexual content, and sexually violent content (see, e.g., Weisz and Earls 1995). These studies consistently find that the attitudes toward women were similar among those who viewed the violent content and those who viewed the sexually violent content. Furthermore, individuals in both of those groups had significantly more negative attitudes toward women than those who viewed either type of nonviolent film (Weisz and Earls 1995).
While these studies report that violent pornography increases aggression in most people, other studies have found that pornographic material containing sexual violence only increases aggression in individuals with higher predispositions toward aggressive behavior, or those who already feel anger toward a particular target (Gray 1982). This becomes dangerous when individuals are unable to distinguish whether it is the abuse and violence triggering their arousal or the sexual content of the pornography. Scholars have noted a high correlation between sexual fantasies based on deviant acts, such as rape, and subsequent deviant behaviors (Gray 1982). Not only, then, does sexually violent pornography reinforce preexisting ideas within individuals, but it may also provide them with new ideas (Russell 1988; Cramer et al. 1998). As noted above, many males admit that they have tried, or have been tempted to try, things that they have seen contained in pornographic materials (Russell 1988). However, this becomes problematic when their sexual desires include elements of unwanted sexual contact. Interviews with female rape and sexual assault victims revealed that the women who experienced the most frequent, and severe, cases of violence were those whose abusers asked or forced them to view or imitate scenes from pornographic material, to pose for pornographic pictures, or to create pornographic videos (see, e.g., Cramer et al. 1998). Therefore, it appears that in some contexts, pornography may teach individuals how to commit acts of sexual assault.
Pornography Influence On Youth
Although the link between pornography and violence is complex and multifaceted, there are noteworthy correlations that are hard to ignore. For example, a number of studies have focused on the impact of pornography exposure to youth. Some have found that a significant number of convicted rapists reported being exposed to more sexually explicit pornography before the age of 10, but reported less exposure to these materials than the average male during their adolescence and adulthood (Gray 1982). Furthermore, scholars have noted that in addition to less exposure to pornographic material, juvenile sex offenders also had parents who were more sexually restrictive. Goldstein and Kant (1974) posit that “pornography performs an educational function for men during their formative years; deprived of information about sex, rapists and pedophiles have few stimuli which portray society’s definition of the ‘normal sex act’” (as cited in Gray 1982, p. 392). Therefore, because sex offenders are largely denied access to pornography during puberty, they must rely on the pornography they viewed during their youth in order to form conceptions of “typical” adult sexual activity. However, because age influences one’s comfort level with, interest in, and ability to fully understand material that is presented to them, these offenders will have inaccurate conceptions of “normal” sexual activity and, therefore, will be much more inclined to engage in deviant and/or violent sex acts (for further discussion, see Gray 1982).
Even though not all youth who view pornography will become sex offenders, pornographic materials still have an important influence on the development of individuals’ later attitudes toward women and sex. There is evidence to suggest that frequent use of violent pornography is linked to high levels of sexual aggression, aggressive behavior, belief in rape myths, and fantasy about rape among adolescent males (see, e.g., Flood 2009). Not all youth who view pornography, however, become sex offenders, and there is evidence to suggest that a great number of youth are troubled when they encounter pornographic materials. Girls are much more likely to report feeling embarrassed or disgusted by pornography, while boys are more likely to become sexually aroused by these images (Flood 2009).
Although many would argue that it is a small minority of youth who are exposed to “actual” pornography, one must be aware that the same outcomes occur in studies of youth reactions to, and the attitudes that develop from, exposure to mainstream sexual media. As noted earlier, sexualized themes presented in advertising campaigns, television programs, and movies disseminate many of the same stereotypical and sexist messages as pornography, most strongly the idea that women are sexual objects (Flood 2009; Rubin 1993). These messages teach both girls and boys that a young woman’s worth should be equated with her physical attractiveness which, in turn, influences how young people treat and respond to each other in their social interactions (Flood 2009).
Pornography Influence On Females
While most studies focus on the impact of pornography on male attitudes and beliefs, it is important to consider the effect that pornographic materials have on females. Overall, most studies find that, relative to women who are not exposed to pornography, females who view pornography are not more likely to develop negative attitudes toward other women, deepen their beliefs in rape myths, have negative body images, have lower self-esteem, or show more acceptance of violence against women (see, e.g., Linz 1989). In fact, most women were less accepting of rape myths and interpersonal violence after viewing sexually violent pornography than they were before (Linz 1989).
However, some studies have found that women who use pornography are not likely to engage in acts of physical sexual assault, but they may be just as likely as males to engage in acts of sexual coercion (see, e.g., Kernsmith and Kernsmith 2009). The reason for this may be because of the messages that pornography disseminates about “appropriate” actions and manners of behavior for women. Rarely are women in pornographic materials more physically aggressive than their male partner(s). More often, females use seduction or other manipulative behaviors to initiate sex. Therefore, women who are exposed to pornography may attempt to replicate these behaviors in order to achieve their own sexual conquests (Kernsmith and Kernsmith 2009).
Pornography Influence On Adult Sex Offenders
Studies have shown that pornography use is especially high among sex offenders (for more detailed discussions, see Gray 1982). In contrast to their rates of exposure to pornography during youth and adolescence, adult sex offenders report higher rates of pornography usage and masturbation than the general adult male population (Gray 1982; Marshall 1988). Approximately one-third of both rapists and child molesters report that they have been, on at least one occasion, prompted to commit a sexual offense based on what they observed in pornography (Gray 1982). Furthermore, nearly one-third of rapists and over half of child molesters noted that they specifically used pornography in preparation for their offense (see, e.g., Marshall 1988).
In sum, the scholarly research results concerning the link between pornography, aggression, and violence is unclear, at best. The findings presented in this section provide empirical support for the arguments made by both antiporn and pro-porn feminists. Some scholars have found that pornography had no influence on shaping attitudes toward women or one’s likelihood to engage in violent behavior. Others have found that pornography does lead to negative attitudes toward women among men, women, and children, while still others report that pornography’s influence on attitudes and actions depends on one’s personal predispositions toward violence and male dominance. Therefore, it appears that this decades-long, multifaceted debate will not be resolved any time in the near future.
Current Issues: The Role Of The Internet
Any discussion of the modern debates surrounding, however, pornography would be incomplete without some discussion of the Internet. Pornography has changed and thrived with the advent of the Internet. The overwhelming majority of Americans have an Internet-capable computer in their home or have Internet access via another source (e.g., a public computer, a school or work computer, a friend or family member’s computer). The pornography industry has thrived on the Internet because it serves as a mechanism that provides more people than ever before with quick and easy access to pornographic materials (Eberstadt 2009). The ease of access to pornography and quick distribution to a wide demo graphic that the Internet provides has resulted in a greater social acceptance of pornography (Eberstadt 2009).
However, the Internet not only facilitates the distribution of traditional pornographic material, it also allows for the development or expansion of new types of pornography. For example, Paasonen (2010) discusses the Internet’s facilitation of amateur pornography. While amateur pornography existed before the widespread use of the Internet, it was much less frequently consumed and distributed (Paasonen 2010). With the advent of the Internet, however, it was possible for nonprofessionals to not only create but also share their own pornographic material with a huge audience (Paasonen 2010). The Internet also made available alternative porn, or specific niches of porn available with great ease to a wide audience. Alternative porn was developed for specific subgroups (i.e., Goth or indie pornography) and depicts sexual lifestyles not often seen in traditional pornography (Paasonen 2010). In sum, the Internet not only made pornography available to a wider audience than ever before, but it also created an opportunity for the production and dissemination of new kinds of porn created by professionals and nonprofessionals alike. The Internet pornography industry will no doubt continue to develop and expand as technology further advances.
Conclusion
Pornography is a complex topic; its definition and legal standing continue to be debated. In addition, while scholars have long debated the merits of pornography, there is no consensus to date as to whether or not pornography is empowering, harmful, or even a catalyst for violent behavior. Such debate among scholars will no doubt continue as pornography continues to change and develop along with advancing technology and changing societal expectations.
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